{"id":4510,"date":"2024-12-16T06:12:25","date_gmt":"2024-12-16T06:12:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/?p=4510"},"modified":"2024-12-16T06:12:26","modified_gmt":"2024-12-16T06:12:26","slug":"the-issue-of-pishevari-pessian-and-kuchak-khan-a-discussion-on-the-hegemony-of-nationalism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/the-issue-of-pishevari-pessian-and-kuchak-khan-a-discussion-on-the-hegemony-of-nationalism\/","title":{"rendered":"The Issue of Pishevari, Pessian, and Kuchak Khan: A Discussion on the Hegemony of Nationalism"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>These three historical figures, all suppressed by the central government in Iran, have been the subject of much debate. Among them, Pessian is often less labeled as a &#8220;separatist.&#8221; Regarding Pishevari, there is a near consensus, while Kuchak Khan remains a source of considerable discussion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>From our historical vantage point, it is evident that the movements led by all three were doomed to fail. They lacked coherent ideologies and clear perspectives. Pishevari&#8217;s views underwent such drastic 180-degree shifts that he went from opposing Pan-Turkism and advocating for a strong central government to precisely the opposite stance. But why?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Initially, all three held ostensibly &#8220;nationalist&#8221; views. Pishevari believed in the constitutional law as a means of salvation. Houshang Nahavandi describes Kuchak Khan as a passionate yet superficial nationalist. Pessian, for his part, was close to Seyed Hassan Taghizadeh, contributed articles to the&nbsp;<em>Kaveh<\/em>&nbsp;magazine, and had demonstrated valor during World War I.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The pendulum-like shifts in their approaches have occasionally elicited sympathy for their causes. However, the outcomes of their actions were ultimately &#8220;detrimental to Iran&#8221; and led to their own demise.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The key to this puzzle is straightforward: all three failed to accept &#8220;national leadership.&#8221; Consequently, lacking national consensus, they became tools in the hands of reactionary, non-national, or foreign forces. Pessian tied his personal grievances with Qavam al-Saltaneh to broader political issues, while Pishevari and Kuchak Khan compensated for their ideological weaknesses by relying on Soviet support.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The argument is clear and simple: a nationalist approach serves as an immediate and practical solution in societies facing crises. National leaders derive legitimacy to guide communities through turbulent times with a degree of order and consensus. What matters more than political actors&#8217; rhetoric is their understanding of the situation and the necessity of national leadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>When this necessity is rejected, political actors unwittingly fall into the clutches of anti-national forces, as they lack the resources for effective political competition. While non-national resources may temporarily empower them, they quickly expose the contradictions in their rhetoric.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This same key applies to understanding the political opposition\u2019s position in post-2019 Iran. Emerging figures who seek to challenge national leadership inevitably require anti-national resources. To gain a voice in the media, they are compelled to align with particular speakers, initiating a process where separatists or pro-regime forces suddenly support them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The crucial point is that nationalism is not a mere emotional slogan like &#8220;We love Iran.&#8221; When Iran is under threat, standing in opposition to nationalism inevitably leads down the same path as Pishevari\u2019s: no matter how many words are spoken in praise of Iran beforehand, the conclusion remains the same. What is left of Pishevari is the infamous remark directed at him: &#8220;The one who brought you (Stalin) now says leave.&#8221;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"These three historical figures, all suppressed by the central government in Iran, have been the subject of much&hellip;\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":4511,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"csco_singular_sidebar":"","csco_page_header_type":"","csco_custom_appearance":"","csco_disable_excerpt_posts_layout":false,"csco_page_load_nextpost":"","csco_post_video_location":[],"csco_post_video_location_hash":"","csco_post_video_url":"","csco_post_video_bg_start_time":0,"csco_post_video_bg_end_time":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[38,40],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[41,178],"class_list":{"0":"post-4510","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-articles","8":"category-featured","9":"cs-entry","10":"cs-video-wrap"},"authors":[{"term_id":41,"user_id":1,"is_guest":0,"slug":"think-tank","display_name":"Think Tank of Iranian Affairs","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/b4c5a91206f6dd50828f9b0a46b4bc7521cb12bf3ed10bd067c8a9855cf7489e?s=96&d=mm&r=g","0":null,"1":"","2":"","3":"","4":"","5":"","6":"","7":"","8":""},{"term_id":178,"user_id":0,"is_guest":1,"slug":"diyako-giv","display_name":"Diyako Giv","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/?s=96&d=mm&r=g","0":null,"1":"","2":"","3":"","4":"","5":"","6":"","7":"","8":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4510","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4510"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4510\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4512,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4510\/revisions\/4512"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/4511"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4510"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4510"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4510"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinktank-iranian.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4510"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}